Bioethics for Breakfast: Mental Health Care Access: Making the Dollars and “Common Sense” Case for Parity

Bioethics for Breakfast Seminars in Medicine, Law and Society

Malkia Newman, Anti-Stigma Team Supervisor at CNS Healthcare, and Dr. Debra A. Pinals of MDHHS and the University of Michigan presented at the Feb. 25 Bioethics for Breakfast session, offering perspectives and insight on the topic “Mental Health Care Access: Making the Dollars and “Common Sense” Case for Parity.” Bioethics for Breakfast is generously sponsored by Hall, Render, Killian, Heath & Lyman.

People with mental health disabilities face disproportionately high rates of poverty, housing and employment discrimination, and criminalization. The upheaval caused by the coronavirus outbreak has exacerbated these disparities for those disabled prior to the crisis, while exposing more people to trauma, loss, and uncertainty. Considering mental health care from a justice and equity perspective, this session examined the following: 1) What social and ethical challenges are embedded in the current mental health epidemic? 2) How might such challenges be effectively addressed? 3) What community-based models can improve access? 4) What are the cost benefits of equitable treatment vs. cost of untreated mental healthcare in the U.S.?

Malkia Newman addressed the first question above on the social and ethical challenges embedded in the current mental health epidemic. Through sharing her personal life story, Ms. Newman focused on trauma, stigma, and disparities in behavioral healthcare. Ms. Newman defined types of trauma, focusing on inter-generational trauma. She noted that racism and social inequities are now regarded by many as a health crisis, especially in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. Stigma that individuals face can include many layers, and that stigma can exacerbate mental health and substance use disorders. With regard to mental health disparities, she shared that access to mental health care is only one piece—quality treatment, addressing the shortage of qualified providers, and the need for equitable funding of treatment for all individuals is also crucial. Many in the U.S. are facing financial insecurity, which can also exacerbate mental illness and be a barrier to accessing treatment. Bringing forth the idea of resilience, Ms. Newman ended by sharing her hope for the future, that “resilience can spring forth, and resilience can be taught.”

Dr. Debra A. Pinals provided a physician and policymaker perspective, first addressing the question: why is mental health relegated to second tier status in healthcare financing? There is a long history of viewing mental illness, including substance use disorders, as not being “real” illness—blame, stigma, and stereotypes still play a part in this attitude. Stigma “allows the discrimination of someone based on a label.” However, it is very important to understand that these are illnesses that have causes and treatments. COVID-19 may be putting more focus on mental health, and that may be one positive thing to come from the pandemic. What community-based models can improve access? Dr. Pinals discussed the problems with the current crisis system and the involvement of law enforcement when responding to a crisis, and then put forth a new model that would involve a behavioral health response, specially-trained law enforcement as a backup, and many other pieces related to community services and supports. Referencing her paper on crisis services, Dr. Pinals shared that improving access has to be accessible, interconnected, effective, and just. Dr. Pinals also discussed building out Certified Community Behavioral Health Clinics (CCBHCs) in Michigan, and the siloed nature of current services. Dr. Pinals emphasized the need to understand the existing disparities in mental health services, also discussing the prison system, the opioid epidemic, and child welfare impacts.

During the discussion portion, both speakers discussed the need to make space for people’s stories, particularly within the context of policy work. Ms. Newman shared the importance of including both behavioral health professionals and individuals with mental illness during the planning process for policies and programs, such that their input is actively included. Further discussion touched on teletherapy access and programs for youth and families.

Related Resources

About the Speakers

Malkia Newman
Malkia Newman is Anti-Stigma Team Supervisor at CNS Healthcare. Behavioral health conditions are common in Malkia’s family. Suicidal, unemployed, and homeless, Malkia accessed care at CNS Healthcare in 2004. Once stabilized, she was able to pursue a job with the CNS Healthcare Anti-Stigma Program in 2005. The Peer-Led program challenges stigma and provides community education on a number of different behavioral health topics. Using poetry, singing and other creative expressions, Malkia shows that “hope and recovery is possible.” The program has reached over 100,000 people in Detroit, Lansing, Marquette, MI; Washington, D.C., New York City, Houston, San Antonio, Las Vegas, Chicago, Phoenix, Honolulu, Hawaii, and Nova Scotia, Canada.

Debra A. Pinals, MD
Debra A. Pinals, MD, is the Medical Director of Behavioral Health and Forensic Programs for the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, Director of the Program in Psychiatry, Law, & Ethics, Clinical Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Michigan Medical School, and Clinical Adjunct Professor at the University of Michigan Law School. Dr. Pinals’ roles have included serving as the Assistant Commissioner of Forensic Services as well as the Interim State Medical Director for the Massachusetts Department of Mental Health. She has worked in outpatient and inpatient settings, forensic and correctional facilities, emergency rooms and court clinics, has received public service awards, and has been an expert witness in many cases. She is Board Certified in Psychiatry, Forensic Psychiatry, and Addiction Medicine.

About Bioethics for Breakfast:
In 2010, Hall, Render, Killian, Heath & Lyman invited the Center for Ethics to partner on a bioethics seminar series. The Center for Ethics and Hall Render invite guests from the health professions, religious and community organizations, political circles, and the academy to engage in lively discussions of topics spanning the worlds of bioethics, health law, business, and policy. For each event, the Center selects from a wide range of controversial issues and provides two presenters either from our own faculty or invited guests, who offer distinctive, and sometimes clashing, perspectives. Those brief presentations are followed by a moderated open discussion.

The White House outbreak: How to criticize irresponsible leaders without getting stuck in the illness blame game

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This post is a part of our Bioethics in the News series

By Sean A. Valles, PhD

In a twist of fate, there was an outbreak of COVID-19 at a White House celebration of the nomination of Amy Coney Barrett for the Supreme Court of the United States. This elicited a wide range of reactions to seeing a gathering of opponents of strict COVID-19 control measures being hurt by the very pandemic they have downplayed. While others have worried about the moral philosophy of taking pleasure in others’ suffering, or the hypocrisy of evading rules one publicly espouses, I have a different worry. A poll shortly after the White House outbreak found that a majority of respondents believed that Trump had acted “irresponsibly” in how he had handled his personal risk of infection from people he interacted with. While I do not worry about the president being blamed for his illness, I do worry about the wider cultural practices of 1) victim-blaming by attributing a person’s illness to their personal moral failure, and 2) insisting that health is a matter of individual choice. While the distinction might not seem important at first, I will argue there is an important difference between victim-blaming the ill and holding leaders accountable for setting bad examples with their conduct and other leadership failures. The first kind of blame is toxic in a society, and the second kind of blame is an important part of a well-functioning democracy.

President Donald Trump in the Oval Office nominating Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court
Image description: President Donald J. Trump and First Lady Melania Trump pose for a photo with Judge Amy Coney Barrett, the President’s nominee for Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, her husband Jesse and their children on Saturday, Sept. 26, 2020, in the Oval Office of the White House. Image source: Official White House Photo by Andrea Hanks.

Blaming people for their ill health is a strategy with an awful track record. It doesn’t do any good for the people subjected to “you’re too fat” messages. It doesn’t do any good for survivors of sexual assault or domestic violence. When directed inward, we self-blame for failing to do enough de-stressing self-care, rather than directing our blame to more appropriate targets like the needlessly bad working conditions or economic insecurities that make us stressed in the first place. Repeated messages that “sickness is the result of individual moral failure” also reinforce stigma. Stigma is a nasty phenomenon, with a “corrosive impact on the health of populations” and is particularly bad in cases of infectious diseases like COVID-19 because it actively encourages people to hide their infection, which is obviously bad for them and for others who interact with them.

A second problem with blaming people for their ill health is that ethics of blaming individual behavior reflects a misunderstanding of how health behavior works in the first place. Seemingly individualistic choices like diet, condom use, smoking, alcohol consumption, etc. are not made independently. We choose such things in roughly the same way we “choose” our religions or the languages we speak at home. Yes, each of us can choose to practice an entirely different religion (or lack thereof), and each of us can learn and use a different language in the home. Some of us do. In all of these cases, though, the vast majority of us don’t venture too far from a combination of what we learned while growing up and the cues we get from the people we interact with. We eat the foods familiar, convenient, and affordable to us. We adopt the values and beliefs (including trust in aspects of the scientific endeavor) of our communities, etc. Individual choices exist, but they exist within larger social contexts that have powerful but subtle effects on our choices.

Each of our everyday behaviors related to COVID-19 exist in a complex ecosystem of influences. Mask wearing and other social distancing measures have become intensely politicized and tied to masculinity. Masks and other health behavior measures also create new inconveniences and financial expenses. Social pressures also vary vastly from one setting to the next—in one store there are prodding questions and judgmental stares for wearing a mask, at an adjacent store there are similar pressures on those who don’t wear a mask. How we move our bodies and (un)cover our faces within these intense social pressures is not simply an individual choice.

Take the case of one of the attendees of the party at the White House, University of Notre Dame President, the Rev. John I. Jenkins. He did not wear a mask at the indoor/outdoor party, shook hands with attendees, and otherwise did not follow the standards he had imposed on members of his own university. He knew better and did not do better. Many of us have likely also gone against our better judgment to fit the incautious social distancing norms of a setting. Whether it is the university president or the university student, this is indeed hypocritical, and irresponsible in a sense. But, such blame is aside from the point, and more importantly it contributes to the sort of harmful cultural practices mentioned earlier—especially victim-blaming and stigmatizing the ill. Pointing out hypocrisy and the assigning of blame for individual health behavior distracts from the far more damaging thing Jenkins and the other leaders at the White House party did. As cultural leaders, they undercut efforts to build new norms, like public mask-wearing, the habit of greeting people without needlessly touching hands, etc.

We ought to blame Trump, Jenkins, and many other leaders who attended that party. We ought to blame them for failing in their relationships to the people they lead. That is a devastating form of irresponsibility. And it is very important to separate that kind of blame and irresponsibility accusation from the destructive form of blame discussed above: blaming people for having irresponsible relationships with their bodies/health.

The “personal responsibility” blame game has been the go-to talking point of conservative governors as they use their power to obstruct or dismantle public health measures. “You shouldn’t have to order somebody to do what is just in your own best interest and that of your family, friends and neighbors,” according to Alabama Governor Kay Ivey. Scolding people about “personal responsibility” during a public health crisis is a strategy based on how one wishes the world worked and not how it is actually working. Along similar lines, abstinence-only sex education doesn’t work (“teenagers: be sexually responsible by just not having sex before marriage!”), and neither does “just say no to drugs” education. Jenkins was at least right to point out that his behavior was a failure of leadership. As many of my colleagues in population health science say, we need to build a “culture of health.” That will require leaders suited to the task, and we ought to blame them when they fail in that leadership. Just skip the personal health blaming.

Sean Valles photo

Sean A. Valles, PhD, is an Associate Professor with an appointment in the Michigan State University Lyman Briggs College and the Department of Philosophy (where he is also Associate Chair). His research spans a range of topics in the philosophy of population health, from the use of evidence in medical genetics to the roles played by race concepts in epidemiology. He is author of the 2018 book Philosophy of Population Health: Philosophy for a New Public Health Era. He is also co-editor (with Quill R. Kukla) of the Oxford University Press book series “Bioethics for Social Justice.”

Join the discussion! Your comments and responses to this commentary are welcomed. The author will respond to all comments made by Thursday, November 5, 2020. With your participation, we hope to create discussions rich with insights from diverse perspectives.

You must provide your name and email address to leave a comment. Your email address will not be made public.

More Bioethics in the News from Dr. Valles: We Need Healthier Schools, and Student Activists Are Stepping Up; Recognizing Menstrual Supplies as Basic Health Necessities: The Bioethics of #FreePeriodsTrump’s Attempt to Reignite the Coal Industry Is Another Health Policy BlunderPolitics and the Other Lead Poisoning: The Public Health Ethics of Gun ViolenceClimate Change and Medical Risk

Continue reading “The White House outbreak: How to criticize irresponsible leaders without getting stuck in the illness blame game”

Mass Shootings, Mental Illness and Stigma

Bioethics in the News logoThis post is a part of our Bioethics in the News series

By Devan Stahl, PhD

Over the past two months, we have witnessed two more mass shootings in Las Vegas and Sutherland Springs, TX. Once again, these incidents bring up the debates surrounding gun legislation and access to mental health care. In reference to the Texas shooting, President Trump commented, “This is a mental health problem at the highest level. It’s a very, very sad event.” Soon after, it was revealed that Devin Kelley, the Texas shooter, had briefly escaped from a mental hospital in 2012 after he made death threats against his superiors in the Air Force. Both the president and the media emphasized the connection between mental illness and mass shootings. In fact, Johns Hopkins University found that over one-third of all news stories about mental illness were connected to violence. Psychiatric journals are also more likely to publish articles connecting mental illness with aggression than mental illness and victimhood, even though persons with mental illness are ten times more likely to be victims of violent crimes, including police shootings. It is no wonder that 63% of Americans blame mass shootings on the failure of the mental health system.

When confronted with a mass shooting, it is hard not to assume that mass shooters are mentally ill. After all, what sane person could commit such a horrible act? The media and even psychiatric professionals are quick to look for associations between mental illness and mass shootings. After Adam Lanza took the lives of twenty children and six adults at Sandy Hook Elementary School, new research on the brains of mass shooters began. More recently, the brain of Stephen Paddock, who killed 59 people in Las Vegas, was shipped to the Las Vegas coroner’s office for a neuropathological examination to look for any “mental aberrance” to explain his behavior, even though neuropathologists admit correlating brain structures with behavior is “cloudy business.”

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Image description: a cardboard sign is tied to a tree, with lettering that reads “stop gun violence :(” in blue and red. Image source: Tony Webster/Flickr Creative Commons.

Research shows us, however, that the link between gun violence and mental illness is far more complicated than it would appear. In general, it is hard to generalize about mass shooters because they are relatively rare. Although there is some evidence to show persons with severe or untreated mental illness might be at increased risk for violence when experiencing psychotic episodes or between psychiatric hospitalizations, many of these studies have been heavily critiqued for overstating connections between serious mental illness and violence. On aggregate, there is not a strong connection between mental illness and gun violence.

Close to 18% (43.4 million) of adults in the U.S. have some form of mental illness, which is on par with other countries, yet Americans are ten times more likely to die from guns than other citizens in high-income countries. The American Psychiatric Association found that around 4% of violent crimes perpetrated in America are attributable to mental illness and only 1% of discharged psychiatric patients commit violence against strangers using a gun. Persons with mental illness are less likely than those without a mental illness to use a gun to commit a crime. The vast majority of people with severe mental illness, including schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and severe depression are no more likely than any other person to be violent. There is simply no clear causal link between mental illness and gun violence.

On the other hand, research shows that there are much stronger predictors of individual gun violence than mental illness, including: alcohol and drug abuse, domestic violence, past or pending violent misdemeanor convictions or charges, and history of childhood abuse.

There are a number of problems with associating mass shootings with mental illness. First, it stigmatizes millions of people living with mental health conditions. Research shows that negative attitudes surrounding mental illness prevent people from seeking treatment. Linking mental illness with violence threatens to restrict the rights and freedoms we afford ordinary citizens. Second, the burden of identifying would-be shooters has now fallen on psychiatrists who are not necessarily equipped to identify violent gun criminals. A number of states now mandate psychiatrists assess their patients for their potential to commit a violent gun crime, but psychiatrists are not great predictors of gun violence, and some research shows they are no more able to predict gun violence than laypersons. Psychiatrists who fail to identify mass shooters may now be held liable for crimes they fail to predict. Third, linking gun violence to mental health therapies may not help to reduce gun violence. Few of the persons who are most at risk for committing a violent gun crime have been involuntarily hospitalized, and therefore would not be subject to existing legal restrictions on firearms. Finally, the focus on mental health obscures other reasons for our nation’s gun violence problem. By focusing almost exclusively on mental health, we fail to identify the myriad of other factors, including historical, cultural, legal, and economic conditions that contribute to gun violence in our country.

It is easy to blame mass shootings on the “abnormal brain”–it is far more difficult to uncover or come to terms with the systemic causes of gun violence that wreak havoc on our communities. There are good reasons to ensure all Americans have access to mental health services, but access to such care is unlikely to stem the tide of mass shootings in our country. Mental illness has become a convenient scapegoat for politicians on both sides of the aisle when it comes to mass shootings, but it is time we begin to look more closely at other culprits.

Devan Stahl photoDevan Stahl, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Center for Ethics and Humanities in the Life Sciences and the Department of Pediatrics and Human Development in the Michigan State University College of Human Medicine.

Join the discussion! Your comments and responses to this commentary are welcomed. The author will respond to all comments made by Thursday, November 30, 2017. With your participation, we hope to create discussions rich with insights from diverse perspectives.

You must provide your name and email address to leave a comment. Your email address will not be made public.

More Bioethics in the News from Dr. Stahl: Disability and the Decisional Capacity to Vote

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Libby Bogdan-Lovis published in ‘AIDS Patient Care and STDs’

bogdanlovis-crop-facCenter Assistant Director Libby Bogdan-Lovis co-authored the article “‘‘She Told Them, Oh That Bitch Got AIDS’’: Experiences of Multilevel HIV/AIDS-Related Stigma Among African American Women Living with HIV/AIDS in the South,” published in the July 2016 issue of AIDS Patient Care and STDs.

The article, authored by Faith Fletcher, PhD, MA, Lucy Annang Ingram, PhD, MPH, Jelani Kerr, PhD, MSPH, Meredith Buchberg, MPH, Libby Bogdan-Lovis, and Sean Philpott-Jones, PhD, MSB, uses narrative data to explore the stigma that HIV-positive African American women living in the southern United States face in their daily lives. The text is available in full on the AIDS Patient Care and STDs website.

Abstract: African American women bear a disproportionate burden of HIV/AIDS in the United States. Although they constitute only 13% of the US population, African Americans account for nearly 65% of all new HIV infections among American women. In addition, this population suffers comparatively greater adverse health outcomes related to HIV status. African American women living with HIV in the South may be further burdened by HIV/AIDS stigma, which is comparatively more pronounced in this region. To further explore this burden, we used narrative data and the Social Ecological Model to explore how African American women living with HIV in the US South recount, conceptualize, and cope with HIV/AIDS stigma at interpersonal, community, and institutional levels. Our narrative analysis suggests that HIV-positive African American women living in the South are vulnerable to experiences of multilevel HIV stigma in various settings and contexts across multiple domains of life. Stigma subsequently complicated disclosure decisions and made it difficult for women to feel supported in particular social, professional and medical settings that are generally regarded as safe spaces for noninfected individuals. Findings suggest that the debilitating and compounded effect of multilevel HIV/AIDS stigma on HIV-positive African American women in the South warrants closer examination to tailor approaches that effectively address the unique needs of this population.

To learn more about Dr. Faith Fletcher’s work in this area, visit our webinar archive to watch her lecture “Ethical Implications of HIV Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP) for African American Women and Adolescent Girls,” recorded in February 2016 as part of our Bioethics Brownbag & Webinar Series.

Ebola: A Tough Teacher

Bioethics-in-the-News-logoThis post is a part of our Bioethics in the News series. For more information, click here.

By Ann Mongoven, Ph.D.

The unfolding tragedy of Ebola in West Africa offers painful ethical lessons about international epidemic control. International public health organizations should re-frame infectious disease preparedness along lines of natural disaster response. Stricken regions may need not only expert advice, but also the infusion of mobile infrastructure. Unstricken (as of yet?) populations must remember that the greatest danger of epidemics may be the psychological tendency to ascribe “Otherness” to the sick or vulnerable.

Lesson 1: Basic health systems are basic to health care.

This should be, but regrettably is not, a case of stating the obvious. Insuring basic medical supplies are on hand, designing incentives to encourage distribution of health professionals according to needs, and equalizing access to care are economically and politically tall orders in wealthy countries, let alone resource-challenged ones. Developing basic health infrastructure does not give glory to aid organizations the way targeting a specific disease does—even though virtually all disease-fighting depends on that.

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Army researcher fighting Ebola on front lines. Photo by Dr. Randal J. Schoepp.

It is a basic problem that not all countries have basic health systems in place, while others have systems so basic that there is no reserve to confront a new threat. Ebola is exploding in countries that were already systems-stretched. This contributes not only to its spread, but also to what Medicine Sans Frontiers director Dr. Joanne Liu calls the “emergency unfolding within the emergency.” The demands of trying to contain Ebola have drained all regional health resources and staff, leaving people with “ordinary” acute crises—malaria, tuberculosis, AIDS, complicated childbirth—with no care.

International epidemic control vehicles such as the CDC’s famed Epidemiological Intelligence Service and similar units within the World Health Organizations are framed as consultants to health systems. They provide concerted expertise, surveillance systems, and sometimes highly specialized laboratory services not expected to be available locally. But advice to health systems, no matter how good, can’t be effective when there is no effective health system to take the advice, or when a minimal health system is inundated by an epidemic.

The campaign against Ebola needs an infusion on the ground of organized public health professionals who will not only roll up their sleeves and don gloves, but also bring the gloves. Ebola teaches that international epidemic control must be modeled after international aid for natural disasters. Mobile units that can deliver an infrastructure—in this case protective gear, IVs and tubing, clean needles, disinfectant, etc.—should be stockpiled for ready deployment. Disaster relief first responder organizations should include infectious disease professionals and volunteers. As Dr. Liu argues, international response to Ebola should have looked more like international response to the earthquake in Haiti.

Lesson 2: Disease stigma is as life-threatening as disease.

This Ebola outbreak began in March. It was a multi-town outbreak by the time it was recognized, the result of travel to the funeral of the first victims by out-of-town relatives. Initially the outbreak straddled the border of three countries: Guinea, Sierra Leone, and Liberia. (It has since spread to Nigeria, probably by air travel.) Epidemiologists and aid workers sounded an international alarm in response. The world yawned.

In her classic, Illness as Metaphor,¹ Susan Sontag dramatized the delusional tendency of the well to ascribe to the sick the character of a threatening “Other.” The sick Other is perceived as somehow morally inferior, somehow different, somehow vulnerable in ways that the well wish not to think so of themselves.

In this case, the view of the Other may have preceded the epidemic. The world’s initial yawn reflects the extent to which Africans are generally viewed as Other by many of the world’s non-African affluent. A terrible threat causing lost lives may have been dismissed as routine for those Others in West Africa, though it would be anything but for themselves. And despite the dispersed initial presentation, a wrong-headed conception of isolated rural villages lulled the international community into thinking the epidemic would be quickly contained. When SARS broke out in urban China and Singapore, everyone realized the danger of geographic mobility, from migrant workers to bankers. But somehow the geographic mobility of Africans, and the interconnection between urban and rural Africa, came as a surprise.

People already defined as Other become even more Other than other ill when they get sick. Yet the begged question of whether racism contributed to the too-little-too-late international response to the epidemic seems studiously avoided in public discussion. Hurrah for the courage of the satirical Onion, which headlined a recent edition “Ebola Vaccine At Least 50 White People Away.”

President-Sirleaf
Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf

The power of Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s personal call to President Obama—requesting that highly limited supplies of new experimental drugs be made available to some West African patients, not only to returned white expatriate aid workers—rested on the unacknowledged racism that it dramatically combatted. Here was the Harvard-educated African president of a nation created by ex-American slaves begging the half-African president of the United States to include Africans in potentially life-saving therapeutic drug trials for an African epidemic. (Ironically, due to pharmaceutical outsourcing, Africa may bear disproportionate ethical risk for the routine development of new drugs in clinical trials—without necessarily receiving corresponding benefit.)

The characterization of victims as Other intertwines with the rhetoric of a “war on disease” in dangerous ways. The prevalence of war metaphors for medicine and public health increased after the totalizing nature of the second world war. That family of metaphors has been newly accentuated by current world attention on international terrorism. But what are we “battling” when we “fight” that “terroristic” virus, Ebola? As Sontag notes, there is a fine line between characterizing disease as the enemy and concluding the diseased are the enemy. If “harborers of terrorists” can be treated as terrorists in the “war on terror,” then why not Ebola patients? Ebola sufferers become viewed not as victims of bad luck, but as morally suspect.

Ascribing ontological and moral Otherness to sick people fuels disease stigma that is as life-threatening as the disease itself. It encourages people to deny illness for the sake of self- and family-protection. This is especially true when local resources are strapped to the point where reporting or quarantining may bring down the full weight of disease stigma without offering significant medical treatment. The degree of stigma that has come to be associated with Ebola, as well as the resistance of sick or vulnerable people to being portrayed as the enemy, explains otherwise health-defeating phenomenon in the epidemic. In Monrovia, Liberia, healthy people overran an Ebola clinic, urging patients to leave, scattering bloody sheets, and claiming there is no such thing as Ebola. Also in war-recovering Liberia, the war-like image of barbed-wire fencing quarantining a 50,000-person suburb prompted the defensive (but not to Ebola) response of the inhabitants storming the barricades. Social re-framing to reduce disease stigma will be as important as any medical breakthrough to the containment of Ebola—and of future terrifying, but not terrorist, epidemics.

References:

mongovenAnn Mongoven, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor in the Center for Ethics and Humanities in the Life Sciences and the Department of Pediatrics at Michigan State University.

Join the discussion! Your comments and responses to this commentary are welcomed. The author will respond to all comments made by Thursday, September 11, 2014. With your participation, we hope to create discussions rich with insights from diverse perspectives. You must provide your name and email address to leave a comment. Your email address will not be made public.

University of Michigan Professor Lisa Harris will give online lecture on contested medical procedures

bbag-icon-decStigma, Conscience, and Contested Medical Procedures

Conscientious objection (CO) in healthcare provision is widely represented in discourse and in law as synonymous with opposition to contraception, sterilization or  abortion. The pairing of “conscience” with opposition to family planning services is an understandable product of its history, since the first federal conscience protections for health care workers came in the immediate wake of Roe v. Wade in 1973. Over the past forty years, the idea that “conscience-based” care means not providing contested services has become entirely naturalized, reinforced by both anti-abortion and pro-choice forces. In her talk, Dr. Harris will suggest that this understanding of conscience and family planning care – that they are in opposition – represents a false dichotomization. This depiction neglects entirely that provision of contraception and abortion care is also conscience-based, evidenced by the narratives of health care providers and by the considerable risks of stigma, criminalization and harassment to which doctors and nurses have routinely subjected themselves to provide these services over the past century. This neglect of the alignment of conscience and family planning care has important consequences for law, clinical practice and bioethical theory, which Dr. Harris will discuss.

apr-bbag-11Join us for Dr. Harris’ lecture on Thursday, April 11, 2013 from 12 till 1 pm EST ONLINE ONLY:

We will not be hosting this lecture for an in-person audience, so please join us online: Here are some instructions for your first time joining the webinar, or if you have attended or viewed them before, go to the meeting!

Lisa Harris, MD, PhD; is an Assistant Professor of Obstetrics and Gynecology and Women’s Studies at University of Michigan. Dr. Harris earned her AB in English Literature at Harvard College, and her MD from Harvard Medical School, and her PhD in American Culture at the University of Michigan. She has been a faculty member at the University of Michigan since 1998, where she teaches students across campus, in the Medical School, School of Public Health, and College of Literature, Sciences and the Arts. In her research she examines issues at the intersection of clinical obstetrical and gynecological care and law, policy, politics, ethics, history and sociology. She is currently finishing a book on the history of in vitro fertilization in which she situates the rise in technological reproduction in the larger social and political contexts of changing women’s roles in society, the legalization of abortion, the rise of the religious right, and ongoing erosion of reproductive health resources for poor women of color. She also studies the experiences of abortion workers, abortion stigma, and the clinical and ethical consequences of restrictive abortion legislation.

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